Paper Example on Classical Realism and the Invasion of Iraq in 2003

Introduction

Classical realism is a school of thought, which aims at elaborating dynamics of international relationships in relation to human nature. Thinkers such as Hans Morgenthau suggested that policies and objectives created by people guide politics (Mearsheimer, J.J., 2005, 35). Typically, human beings are prone to flaws; therefore, conflicts are inevitable as states search for power. Classical realism is categorized into hegemonic, interdependence, and balance-of-power realism, which can be used to describe the cause of Iraq's invasion. The Iraq war is one of the most devastating political interventions in the United States' foreign policy. In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq, which led to massive civilian deaths and the removal of President Saddam Hussein from power. Despite many notions that the war was a result of America's liberal-internationalism, under the lenses of realism, the war was a consequence of the superpower's pursuit of hegemonic supremacy in the world upon the collapse of the Soviet Union.

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According to Lieberfeld, after the Soviet Union dissolution, the United States did not have any external restraints to its political and ideological campaigns in the world. The country aimed at spreading ideologies such as democracy, Wilsonian agendas, and regime change in foreign states (Lieberfeld, D. 2005, 17). Its ambitious goals led to its increasing military interventions in diverse countries, such as Iraq to satisfy its national interests. Although there are many flaws in the ideological explanations on the causes of the Iraq War, realist thinkers have straightforwardly linked the invasion of Iraq with the US's hegemonic primacy pursuit rather than balance-of-power.

Hegemonic Classical Realism

Hegemonic realism supports that order arises from concentrations of powers. It also elaborates on ways that preponderant nations can sustain their power by providing a new world order. The school of thought preceded the equilibrium-of-power version. According to Mearsheimer (2007, 85), the ideology is rooted from the Peloponnesian War that proved that order is attained from power imbalance. Additionally, thinkers in this school perceive the world's history as dynamic with periods of order gained from power accumulation, and disorder from transfer of power to other states.

Notably, hegemonic realism gives rise to offensive realism school of thought. In this case, philosophers such as Mearsheimer believe that national security is attained from a sustainable regional hegemony (Mearsheimer, J. 2007, 84). The ideology aligns with the United States' military activities in the Middle East. A superpower can create global rules and political ideologies that are followed by all states. Moreover, they can underwrite or overrule existing world order to fit their regional interests. The ability has enabled the United States to promulgate global institutions that enhance order and predictability in rogue countries. Noticeably, hegemonic realism states that hegemonic order is not based on preponderant power only. Instead, it requires willingness and capacity-military force-to find solutions affecting states in the system.

Hegemonic order attains its legitimacy and durability from the ability of the leading state to organize the society fairy and openly (Krasner, S. 1982, 485). Despite the order being a result of power concentration, it does not attain the status of an empire since it preserves the sovereignty of the lesser states. In this case, more minor powers influence the leading nations and can manoeuver some rules in the political system. For example, Iraq can maneuver some trade policies and sanctions due to its influence in the Middle East oil market. Notably, hegemonic realism provides a guideline for policymakers on effective ways to formulate cause of actions that do not exceed the available resources.

Hegemonic Classical Realism and the Iraq InvasionDespite numerous efforts by the US government to classify Iraq's War as a liberal act, realists have proven that the invasion was a hegemonic war. The United States aimed at concentrating power to remain the world's superpower regarding military and economic prowess (Lake, D. 2010, 50). The country's defence operatives such as Cheney and Wolfowitz were involved in creating strategies that would maintain the country's supremacy and prevent the emergence of any competitor (Waltz, K. 2000, 37). In this view, Saddam Hussein's influence was gaining momentum in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf; therefore, he became a target of the American military.

Democracy was one of the US's invasions rationale. However, it was not the primary reason for Bush's administration to impose military intervention in the Middle East. Instead, the US used democracy to legitimize their activities in Iraq and gain public support. Since Saddam's administration oppressed many people, offering democratic ideology helped America gain support from Iraq citizens. However, as the war situation deteriorated, Americans shifted their agenda to the democratization of the country. The case would enable reconstruction of the country's economic and political aspects after the war (Gurtov, M. 2006, 37). Democracy would allow the rebuilding of Iraq as part of America's hegemonic order in the Middle East. Notably, the destruction of Iraq's nuclear power would eliminate risks to international peace and order. Consequently, the US would remain as the only superpower in terms of economic and military capabilities.

The Persian Gulf contains three-quarters of the world's petroleum reserves. The energy is relevant to America's hegemonic primacy. Therefore, the US forged alliances with many nations in the region (Lake, D. 2010, 49). They did not force or coerce their friendly countries to adopt liberalism and democracy. Notably, they collaborated with monarchies and autocratic regimes. American oil multinationals and banks benefited from good relations. However, their deteriorating ties with Iraq posed a challenge to the above influence in the region.

American policymakers were confident that Iraq's influence was limiting their national interests in the region. President Saddam Hussein's power was growing due to Iraq's oil resources (Kaplan et al. 2003, 118). For instance, Iraq had invaded Kuwait, which was of economic importance to the Americans. He also had visions of a Pan-Arab consolidation, which would eliminate foreign influences in the Gulf Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Moreover, with adequate resources, Saddam would have unravelled the 1991 US's military triumph in the Persian Gulf. Therefore, American policymakers sanctioned Iraq to curb her growing economic influence in the region to eliminate political rivalry.

The Iraq War was a demonstration of the American military and technological superiority. The country aimed at displaying some of their modern and lethal weapons, which they had acquired years after the Cold War. The war advocates planned on a smooth and quick removal of Iraq's administration without any American casualties (Kaplan et al. 2003, 118). The condition would send a global message of shock and terror to revisionist countries, who would dare challenge its foreign interests. During Clinton's regime, the United States did not utilize its full military power. The phenomena led to nations undermining America's ability to resolve international issues. Therefore, American supremacists thought a quick and victorious war against Iraq would restore its hegemonic reputation across the world.

Balance-of-Power Classical Realism

Equilibrium realism suggests that order and security are achieved from the balance of power. In this case, nations are mandated to resist any state's efforts to create a dominant position in international politics. According to Waltz (2000, 38), realists from this school of thought propose that power checks power. International order is achieved through proper power balance among the world's superpowers. If a nation attempts to expand its dominance over sovereign states, it provokes the attention of other powers, who launch counteractions to tame the trend. Significantly, the ideology has been used by many nations to curb the production of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in the world.

The ideology was useful during the Cold War era. In this case, it provided the necessary knowledge to formulate containment doctrines, national alliances, and nuclear deterrence policies. The above elements assisted in limiting ambitious nations from creating global disorder, which would lead to the eruption of the Third World War. Equilibrium realism has led to the formation of national alliances.

During the Cold War era, balance-of-power was evident due to the existence of bipolar systems-the US and the Soviet Union-in the world. However, after the fall of the Soviet Union, the United States-unipolar power-created a challenge to the balance-of-power sustainability. The world lacked adequate political and military force to stop the US from pursuing its political activities in the Arab world. Consequently, America became a source of world's disorder as it aimed at coercing its domestic policies on foreign nations. For instance, their efforts to spread democracy and regime change in Iraq, Libya and other Muslims states have caused many failed states.

The Balance-of-Power Classical Realism and the Iraq Invasion

In 2003, after the 9/11 attack, President Bush ordered a military invasion into Iraq. He aimed at eliminating terrorism and propagating a democratic regime in Iraq (Gurtov, M. 2006, 35). The United States perceived Iraq as a threat to its national security. The country's administration under president Saddam Hussein aided extremist groups such as Al Qaeda with necessary finances to disrupt the world order. Eradication of rogue world leaders would enable the US to conduct its international activities without any attacks on its domestic soil.

The American democratic philosophers believed that the sovereign power of a nation reigned in the hands of the governed. However, President Saddam was a tyrant who sacrificed the lives of his citizens for his political and foreign ambitions (Kaplan, Kristol, and Whitfield, 2003, 118). For example, he massacred his political opponents and provided sanctuary for international terrorists. The attributes made him a target of the growing American military prowess. Notably, the invasion neutralized Iraq's foreign ambitions, such as the manufacture of nuclear weapons, which would have destabilized the world's power balance. The United Nation's peace declaration prohibited the production of WMDs. Therefore, the American-liberal democrats perceived Iraq's nuclear production as a threat to global security.

Additionally, balancing-of-power realists explain that President Bush's philosophy to spread the blessings of liberty to oppressed people in the world was the main reason for the invasion (Jervis, R. 2003, 370). However, some realists opposed the move since it was ill-conceived and unsustainable. Imposing a foreign ideology, such as democracy, in a foreign culture has high chances of failure. Iraq' political culture did not accommodate liberals-democratic imperialism. The US was ignorant of the culture, which led to its numerous obstacles during the regime change, such as civilian and military deaths.

Interdependence Classical Realism and the Iraq Invasion

Philosophers from the interdependence realism school of thought claim that anarchy is the absence of a government (Keohane and Nye, 1977, 9). Under such a system, political actors can inflict lethal violence upon each other and jeopardize the necessary security for human survival. Additionally, interdependence among nations is short-lived since individuals who have no concern for...