Introduction
Racial conflict is a basic feature of Texas history. The African-American and Latino populations have experienced a turbulent history of political exclusion and voting discrimination in Texas. Efforts to disenfranchise U.S citizens of African and Mexican origin in Texas date back to 1845 (Barr 25). This is the year that the Texas state gained its statehood. After the formation of the Texas state in 1845, the first laws formulated laws which prohibited Texas citizens from using their native Spanish language and organizing political rallies. These early laws also prohibited African-Americans and Latino populations from participating in elections either as voters or election judges (Barr 112). However, with time these laws were outlawed by new regulations which allowed African American to participate in the electoral process. African Americans received significant political participation during the demonstration in the United States. African American have since the formation of the Texas state, taken various steps both politically and legally towards achieving the right to vote. This research seeks to discuss the political and legal steps taken by African Americans to achieve the right to vote in Texas.
History of Voting Discrimination in Texas
Since 1865, the primary political manifestation for the African Americans in Texas has been the struggle for the right to vote (Davidson 58). The African Americans have struggled to get their ballots fairly counted, have the right to elect their preferred candidates, develop effective coalitions with other groups as well as achieve equality of opportunity in a white-dominated society in the state. African Americans were systematically denied the right to vote, serve on juries, hold office and even intermarry with whites during the emancipation period in 1865 (Davidson 77). In 1860, African Americans made up thirty per cent of the Texas State population. However, during this even of the civil war, most of the black's population were slaves. The few that were free were not allowed to participate in the electoral process. African American achieved significant political and electoral participation during the reconstruction era in 1873 (Davidson 111). The emancipation period in Texas was announced on June 19, 1865. However, the newly formed government withheld black political rights. The whites refused to grant suffrage to the African Americans during the all-white constitutional convention which was held in 1866. This all-white legislature refused to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment which forbids the United States from depriving citizens of equal protection of the laws. The all-white legislature passed Black Codes which were laws meant to prohibit African Americans from holding office, voting, serving in the jury as well as intermarrying with the whites.
Congressional Reconstruction
Actions by white legislators prompted the Congress which at the time dominated by Republicans to respond with a series of statutes which were meant to franchise black males. Radical Republicans entered into an uneasy alliance with the great majority of African American against the conservative Republicans who had joined with Democrats to oppose the civil rights of the blacks (Lane et al. 1169). This resulted in the rise of black republicanisms in the state of Texas in 1867. Many black men registered for the first election-the 1868 referendum during this period despite widespread intimidation by the Democrats and the Ku Klux Klan. During this referendum, more blacks compared to the white cast ballots. They overcame the opposition of the majority of white voters with the support of their white allies and voted to hold another convention. The convention was held between 1868-1869 and involved a majority of Republicans (Lane et al. 1174). However, the African Americans were represented by ten delegates out of the 90 delegates who attended the convention (Banks 225). The election of Edmund J. Davis as the governor of the state of Texas in 1869 gave the African Americans additional influence. During these elections, two African American state senators were elected as well as twelve representatives to the Twelfth Legislature. This legislature which was dominated by reform-minded republicans ratified the 14th and the 15th amendments. The legislature also passed several laws which though were considered controversial provided for more inclusion of American Americans in political and other state organs such as the state police. However, reconstruction ended in 1873 after the defeat of Edmund Davis as governor (Banks 225). This brought about was referred to as many as the restoration of white supremacy and democratic rule.
Participation in Political Parties
After the end of the reconstruction in 1873, African Americans experimented with three options to regain the political right they had achieved during the reconstruction era. These options included forming alliances with factions of Democrats, collaboration and involvement in the Republican Party. African American participated actively in the Republican Party with their main focus being preventing the conservative faction of the party from gaining control of the party. The African Americans hoped to compete effectively with the Democrats by attracting the support of like-minded Democrats. However, the death of Norris Wright Cuney in 1897 who was an early Protege of Senator Ruby curtailed the efforts by the African Americans to gain control over the Republican Party. His death resulted in struggling among the black leaders over whom to take over leadership of the black faction in the party.
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
After the failure of all efforts by the African Americans to gain political and legal rights through participation in the political parties, the African Americans realized that the courts provided a promising avenue for progress in their quest as opposed to other branches of the government. The NAACP was an institution established in 1910 by the urban black press, black civic leaders, business and professional groups, as we as a few interracial groups (Houston 509). The main aim of the institution was to act as a source of information as well as an instrument of social protest against the exclusion of African American and other minority races on the political and legal activities in the state (Banks 227). After 1873, the African American struggled to overcome obstacles prohibiting their participation in the political and electoral process in Texas. These included the gerrymandering of voting districts which was implemented with the aim of disenfranchising African Americans. One major tactic which was used by the white supremacists to disenfranchise both African Americans and Latino populations in Texas was the use of white primary. This practice began in 1923 after the enactment of state law which barred African Americans from voting in Democratic primary elections. The NAACP provided support both legal and financial to members and other black activists who challenged laws which prohibited African American participation in the Electoral and political processes (Houston 512). One legal case that made a difference in this quest was the Nixon v. Herndon (1927) case which was presented to the United States Supreme Court by Lawrence A. Nixon with the help of NAACP (Banks 245). The Supreme Court invalidated a statute that prevented blacks from participating in any democratic primary election. The Supreme Court stated that the statute violates the equal-protection clause. In 1937 the NAACP mobilized lawyers and civic leaders in black communities to challenge state laws prohibiting black's participation in political and legal activities. The NAACP cooperated with these groups to launch legal attacks on the Texas white primary and racial segregation in the state. They filed legal actions against state institutions such as schools, juries and municipal facilities which segregated against African Americans (Hine, Darlene & Merline 112). In 1956, Texas State temporarily enjoined the NAACP from doing business in the state. Texas charged the institution for violating the state's barratry statutes (Houston 515). However, despite the efforts by the state to prevent NAACP influence and African Americans to participate in voting, the white primary which was major Texas disfranchising barrier in the state was abolished after the Supreme Court in Smith V. Allwright (1944) ruled that exclusion of African Americans in Democratic primary was a violation of the 15th amendment which protects the citizens against racial discrimination in voting (Hine, Darlene & Merline 225).
Conclusion
The number of African American elected officials increased as a result of the abolishment and revision of discriminatory elections laws which occurred in the period beginning the Brown v. Board of Education (1954). Several federal statutes, as well as judicial decisions, were formulated to secure the voting rights of African American and the Hispanic population in Texas. African Americans in Texas today have full voting rights due to their efforts made to challenge Texas laws which prohibited the blacks from voting. The African Americans used strategies such as the NAACP, participation in political parties and through the congressional reconstruction to achieve voting rights in Texas.
Works Cited
Banks, Melvin James. "The pursuit of equality: The movement for first-class citizenship among negroes in Texas, 1920-1950." (1962).
Barr, Alwyn. Black Texans: a history of Negroes in Texas, 1528-1971. No. 12. Jenkins Pub Co, 1973.
Davidson, Chandler. Race and class in Texas politics. Princeton University Press, 1992.
Hine, Darlene Clark, Steven F. Lawson, and Merline Pitre. Black victory: The rise and fall of the white primary in Texas. University of Missouri Press, 2003.
Houston, Ramona. "The NAACP State Conference in Texas: Intermediary and Catalyst for Change, 1937-1957." The Journal of African American History 94.4 (2009): 509-528.
Lane, Ann J. "James M. Smallwood. Time of Hope, Time of Despair: Black Texans during Reconstruction. (National University Publications Series in Ethnic Studies.) Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press. 1981. Pp. x. 202. $17.50." (1982): 1169-1169.
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